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The Missing Plane
Relacionado a un país: Nigeria

Translations disponible también en: Inglés (original) | Francés | Español | Italiano | Alemán | Portugués | Sueco | Ruso | Holandés | Arabe

El plano que falta
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
Los Nigerians del compañero,

vida humana en Nigeria son así que barato actualmente y los muchos de cosas se toman para concedido. Pueble los espectáculos que horrorizan del testigo, apenas encójalos apagado y muévase encendido. Nuestro sentido del choque se ha entumecido y nuestro sentido del ultraje blunted también.

¿Son éstas realmente el extremo épocas? Un plano del arte de la cerveza con cuatro o cinco Nigerians a bordo ha faltado por algunos días ahora. La gente a bordo más probablemente que no sea muerto. Se aflige mi corazón para pensar de sus niños, esposas, maridos, hermanos, hermanas, madres de los padres. Puedo representar una familia de una de la gente que falta, sentada con las esperanzas desesperadas por sus sistemas de radio, TV, o los teléfonos que aguardaban ansiosamente noticias de su amaron unos.

Agarrarán a las esperanzas sin embargo infundadas eso por un cierto milagro sus que preciosos podrían estar vivos.
¿Ruegue cuál es nuestro estimado país que hace para encontrar a esta gente? ¿Qué las agencias responsables de cosas como esto están haciendo? ¿Como de bien equipados son para la tarea actual?

Hemos tenido una erupción de los desastres del aire en el pasado reciente que ought haber hechonos vivos a nuestras responsabilidades y deberes como nación seria. Honesto, esto destaca nuestra falta colosal en el nationhood…

Sin embargo, sé apenas sensación de esta gente que pierde recientemente a alguien estimado a mí. Me abruman con la pena para las familias.

hace 2 horas, desperté de un sueño preocupante. En el sueño estaba en Ikeja, Lagos Nigeria y miraba para arriba en un cielo extraño. Era muy oscuro y tumultuous, pero allí parecido ser muchos planos que sacaban, y en el cielo inmediatamente. Era como si la gente huyera en vuelos internacionales de Nigeria. Estos planos como sacaron dirigido en diversas direcciones, como si cualquier título sea suficiente.

Si usted tiene una idea de lo que pudo significar este sueño, satisfacer la parte con nosotros. Mientras tanto, meditate en él y solicitaré que el señor revela y clarifica en el sueño.



March 27, 2008 | 3:22 PM Comentarios  1 comentarios

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US appoints Nigerian scientist to head research centre
Relacionado a un país: Nigeria

Translations disponible también en: Inglés (original) | Francés | Español | Italiano | Alemán | Portugués | Sueco | Ruso | Holandés | Arabe

Los E.E.U.U. designan a científico nigeriano al centro de investigación principal
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
El gobierno de los E.E.U.U. ha anunciado el establecimiento de un nuevo centro para que Genomics y las disparidades de la salud sean dirigidos por un erudito, un científico y un investigador Nosotros-basados Nigeriano-llevados, el Dr. Charles Rotimi, Newswire autorizado, una agencia de noticias nigeriana Nosotros-basada ha divulgado.

El aviso, hecho la semana pasada por el Nosotros-gobierno poseyó a institutos nacionales de la salud en una declaración, dijo que el centro sería conocido como el centro intramuros de NIH para Genomics y las disparidades de la salud. Ti dicho sería un lugar para la investigación sobre la manera que enfermedades afectaron a las poblaciones, incluyendo obesidad, diabetes y la hipertensión. ”

NIH es la agencia principal de la investigación médica del `s del gobierno de los E.E.U.U. con 27 institutos y centros.

Es parte del departamento del `s del gobierno de los E.E.U.U. de los servicios de salud y humanos, un equivalente del ministerio federal del `s de Nigeria de la salud.

Bajo dirección del `s de Rotimi, se espera que el centro también proporcione las” oportunidades de entrenamiento para los estudiantes y los científicos establecidos de países en vías de desarrollo y de grupos de la minoría en los Estados Unidos.

Rotimi, que fue descrito como” el epidemiólogo genético internacionalmente renombrado,” se basa en el estado de Maryland en los E.E.U.U., en donde el nuevo centro también se localiza.

Él es un graduado de la universidad de Benin en donde él ganó a soltero del grado de la ciencia en 1979 en bioquímica, antes de viajar a los E.E.U.U. para hacer un grado principal del `s en epidemiología en la universidad de Mississippi, 1983, y de un segundo `s del amo grado-en salud pública, es decir, - M.p.h. de la universidad de Alabama en Birmingham, 1988.

En Rotimi 1991 terminado su PhD. en epidemiología en la universidad de Alabama en Birmingham.

Con sobre 80 papeles publicados, Rotimi se conoce como líder global en su área especializada de la investigación genética.

En 1992, un año después de su PhD, él hizo profesor auxiliar en la universidad de Loyola en Chicago, adonde él se levantó más adelante para hacer profesor de asociado.

En 1996, el gobierno de los E.E.U.U. lo reconoció y lo designó un revisor de Grant en el NIH, adonde él se levantó para hacer investigador mayor y el director temporario hace cuatro años.

La subida del `s de Rotimi en los E.E.U.U. NIH gubernamental en Maryland coincidió con su relocalización de la universidad de Loyola a la universidad de Howard en Washington, la C.C., que confina Maryland inmediatamente al sur. Miran a Howard como la mejor universidad controlada negra de los E.E.U.U.

Él hizo director de la epidemiología genética en Howard en 1999 y un profesor lleno en la misma universidad en 2003.

Eligieron a los científicos Nigeriano-entrenados Co-Presidente de la asociación diabética americana en 2001 y el presidente de la sociedad africana de la genética humana en 2004.

Según la declaración,” un foco dominante de la investigación del `s de Rotimi está entendiendo la relación triangular entre la obesidad, la hipertensión, y la diabetes, que de junto explican más de 80 por ciento de la disparidad de la salud entre los americanos africanos y los americanos europeos. ”

Fue agregado que los modelos genéticos de la epidemiología desarrollados por Rotimi y su grupo ahora” ayudaban a tratar si las altas tarifas de la enfermedad son el resultado de la exposición a los factores de riesgo ambientales, susceptibilidad genética, o una interacción entre los dos. ”

Además, Rotimi” se contrata actualmente a la primera exploración genoma-ancha de una cohorte americana africana, con la meta de identificar los genes asociados a obesidad, a la hipertensión, a la diabetes, y al síndrome metabólico. Alistan a más de 2.000 participantes de las familias americanas africanas del multigenerational en este estudio genético en grande de la epidemiología.”

El nuevo instituto de los E.E.U.U. dirigido por Rotimi empleará un acercamiento de Genomics, recogiendo y analizando genético, clínico, forma de vida y dato socioeconómico para estudiar una gama de las condiciones clínicas que han desconcertado y los expertos preocupados de la salud pública por décadas.

Por el reportero de Agency

March 26, 2008 | 10:42 AM Comentarios  0 comentarios

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Nemesis Of Bad Leaders

By Ademola Adegbamigbe

During break time at Ansar-Ud-Deen Primary School, Yemoja, Ondo, Gani Fawehinmi and his friends would gather to wolf down their lunch of gari, dry fish and moi moi. One day, his mates started shouting and running in different directions. What happened? A huge snake, coiled on a bough, had stretched beyond Fawehinmi’s neck and was putting its tongue into his gari. The boy did not panic. Rather, with the deftness of a snake charmer, he just flung the reptile off, an action that made his peers to believe that he had supernatural powers.

That action on a hot

• Gani Fawehinmi
afternoon in 1949, showed Fawehinmi’s fearlessness, a trait he exhibits till today and which has made various Nigerian governments, on many occasions, to put him in jail. In other words, he has spent his life fighting all vermin, both military and civilian, without minding the consequences.

Fawehinmi, popularly called Gani, in most cases uses the courts to fight his cause. This, however, did not come out of a vacuum. Fawehinmi’s revolutionary nature, wealth, brilliance and philanthropy took a long and tortuous period of gestation.

He was born on 22 April 1938 in Ondo to Chief Saheed Tugbobo, a timber merchant and Seriki Musulumi of the city, whose own father was Chief Lisa (Alujonu) Fawehinmi, a warrior of great repute. The Alujonu in his name means ‘spirit’, an acknowledgement of his great exploits.

Gani started elementary school at Ansar-Ud-Deen Primary School, Ondo in 1942. At the age of 16, he gained admission to Victory College, Ikare, Ondo State where his Principal, Archdeacon Akinrele noticed his knowledge of current affairs and great ability to debate, and advised him to study law. The young boy got his ideas from Daily Times, which he subscribed to with his pocket money.

After leaving Victory College in 1958, he came to Lagos the following year, working as a clerk at the High Court, Igbosere and later as a tally clerk at the Nigerian Ports Authority.

On 29 April 1961, he sailed to England and enrolled at Holborn College of Law as a part-time student. He was having a swell time with his studies when, in 1963, his father, his source of support, died. Life suddenly became a bed of thorns for him.

Different ideas of survival started whirling in Fawehinmi’s head. First, he got a job as a toilet cleaner at Russell Square Hotel. He wrote 136 letters, begging many individuals for help. None replied. Then he made a beeline for the Nigerian High Commission in London, seeking enlistment into the Army. The recruitment officer saw the book that Fawehinmi clutched, The Free Officers’ Revolt, and wondered whether revolt was what the young man wanted to pursue in the force. He promptly rejected Fawehinmi’s application.

Undaunted, Fawehinmi continued with his cleaning job, schooling as a part-time student and reading voraciously about great public figures like Fidel Castro, George Washington, Karl Marx and others.

He finished his programme in 1964 but, because of poverty, could not proceed to the Inner Temple in London. When he heard that Dr. Teslim Elias, the  Nigerian-born jurist who later became President of the World Court at the Hague, Netherlands, had established the Law School three-month programme in Lagos, Fawehinmi returned home. He carried a small bag holding a pair of shoes, two pairs of socks and one jacket, which made people wonder whether he was still expecting bigger luggage at the ports!

He was finally called to the bar on 15 January 1965. The same year, after a brief stint at a relation’s chambers, he established his practice at 108 Herbert Macaulay Way, Yaba, Lagos.

Since 1965, Fawehinmi has instituted over 5,000 suits at the Supreme, Appeal, High and Magistrate courts.

After the 3 June 1993 election was cancelled by former military president, Ibrahim Babangida, an election won by Chief MKO Abiola, Fawehinmi founded a human rights group, the National Conscience, in 1994, to fight the cause. On 26 August the same year, six security men invaded Fawehinmi’s chambers when he travelled to address a rally in Port Harcourt. Security men did not allow him to go beyond the Port Harcourt airport; they sent him back to Lagos. In December 1995, when the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO, organised a rally in Yaba, Lagos, Fawehinmi dared the police that wanted to stop it to shoot him.

Fawehinmi also stood against General Sani Abacha, a former head of state, when some fairweather politicians were advocating that all government registered political parties should adopt him as a consensus candidate. He waved them off as “ungodly charlatans playing with treason.”

For his pro-democracy activities, Fawehinmi, in 1998, was elected the first head of Joint Action Committee of Nigeria, JACON, by 55 kindred bodies that constituted it. The Gani-led JACON demanded that the General Abdulsalami Abubakar regime set up a government of national unity, headed by Abiola. The senior advocate, in July 1998, called for mass action.

When Abubakar did not yield but announced his own transition programme, JACON published a book, Way Forward: Revolution Not Transition, in which he proposed the scheme as a way of opposing “the process and system of the exploitation and repression of the masses under a new form of oppressive government.”

When Abiola died in detention, Fawehinmi filed a suit at the Federal High Court, Ikeja, praying that Abubakar be compelled to explain the deaths of Abiola, his wife Kudirat and even Pa Alfred Rewane. After the exit of the military, Fawehinmi took the new President, Olusegun Obasanjo, to court over the N350,000 and N250,000 allowances to former presidents, heads of state etc.

The human rights lawyer, in May 2002, dragged the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, to the Federal High Court in Abuja. He wanted the court to compel INEC not to conduct any election based on the 2001 Electoral Act. His party, National Conscience Party, NCP, was among the 30 political groups seeking registration to participate in the August 2002 local government polls.

Section 80(1) of the act says political parties seeking registration “must win 10 per cent of the councillorship and chairmanship positions throughout the country.” Fawehinmi said it was illegal, unconstitutional, null and void, because it was not passed by the National Assembly “and it was not part of the harmonised bill sent to the President on 5 December 2001 and assented to by the President on 6 December 2001”. Gani took the matter as far as the Supreme Court and won. As a result, over 30 political parties were registered by INEC.

When Obasanjo set up the Oputa Panel, Babangida and retired Brigadier-General Haliru Akilu, erstwhile director of Military Intelligence, sought a Federal High Court order that the panel report should not be implemented, Fawehinmi filed a motion to be joined in the suit. The duo were apprehensive over portions of the panel’s report concerning the death of Dele Giwa, former Editor-in-Chief of Newswatch magazine, through a parcel bomb on 19 October 1986.

Apart from consistently condemning Obasanjo’s incessant increase of petroleum products’ prices, Fawehinmi opposed the former president’s elongation of tenure bid, threatening that the “pro democracy groups will resist it and we will ask Nigerians to revolt. No amount of rigging, amendment of the constitution, misuse of public funds will achieve that result.”

For his advocacy, he was arrested more than 36 times and, beginning with his first detention in 1969 when he defended a less privileged Nigerian whose wife was defiled by a top government personnel, has suffered detention more than 15 times. All these, however, have not blunted his resolve to fight for justice.

Among the various forms of persecution he suffered was the denial of conferring the title of Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, on him for more than 21 years. It was not until the International Bar Association, consisting of 40 million lawyers in over 190 countries, honoured Fawehinmi that Nigeria deemed it fit to give him the title.

Fawehinmi’s has been the leading voice against oppression and military dictators like Babangida, who annulled the 12 June 1993 presidential election; Sani Abacha, who set up assassination squads and wanted to transmute into a life president; and Abdulsalami Abubakar, under whose regime Abiola died. Will he quit activism? Absolutely not. In his words: “The question of retirement or quitting the struggle does not exist so far things remain the same. I will not quit until I see a better society.”


March 26, 2008 | 7:03 AM Comentarios  0 comentarios

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Winning, The Only Thing

By Tayo Odunlami

Some 28 years ago, a 35-year-old top hand at Grant Advertising concluded he was no longer getting any challenges at the then third leading advertising agency in Nigeria. Biodun Shobanjo, erstwhile Deputy Managing Director at Grant, felt its employers were lacking the ambition to topple the two market leaders, Lintas and Ogilvy, Benson & Mather. Which was unacceptable. To Shobee, as Shobanjo is called, “winning is not everything; it is the only thing.”

Shobanjo would not be contented with being No 2, or even the Chief Executive Officer at a third rate ad agency. He was focused on only one direction; the acme. So focused, the advert agent realised there was only one way to attain that height. In December 1979, he left Grant. On 2 January 1980, Shobanjo, together with five aides he poached at Grant, founded a new agency, Insight Communication Limited, at 1 Calabar Street, Lagos. Insight’s pioneer staff totalled 18 and had a billing of only N15,000.

Shobanjo had identified his destination in the industry before he set up shop and was determined to get there. The beginning was rough but he trudged on. He decided he had to carve an image for Insight that would distinguish it from the old pack. A departure from the dull, laid-back advert executive, Shobanjo emerged an unconventional, brash, aggressive, daring and innovative advert sheikh. To Shobanjo, it was advertising unusual.

His style of doing business initially attracted odium from rival advert agencies which frowned at what they perceived as his somewhat unusual extent to win accounts. Insight’s philosophy has been “thinking global, yet acting local.” Within one year in business, the company had firmly announced its presence. Its billings had shot up to N1.5 million. The following year, Shobanjo put into effect the “thinking global” vision when Insight was affiliated with Ted Bates, an advert agency that later became a part of Saatchi and Saatchi Worldwide.

Shobanjo was only too glad to take Insight to the Saatchis whose business philosophy perfectly dovetails into his. To both Shobanjo and the Saatchis (Charles and Maurice), “the first position is wonderful, second is terrific, third is threatened and fourth is fatal.”

The association has been rewarding. Insight leads the local marketing communications industry which has flourished since Shobanjo showed the way that indigenous ownership can flaunt a quality that can match foreign competition. By the time Insight celebrated its 10th anniversary in 1990, its billings had leapt up to N53.9 million. The figures have since multiplied and Insight is credited with being the first Nigerian ad agency to cross the N400 million mark in billings. By the end of last year, the figure was estimated to be over N800 million, with more than 30 blue-chip companies in its books.

Shobanjo has since diversified to build a business empire, the Troyka Group. The body includes The Quadrant Company, a public relations outfit; MC & A, an advertising agency; Optimum Exposures, an outdoor advertising company; All Seasons MediaCom, a media buying company; African Barter Company, a television marketing distribution firm and Halogen, a security company. The Troyka Group is worth about N20 billion in assets.

In December 2004, he stepped down as Managing Director of Insight Communications after handing over to his successor, Jimi Awosika, a long-time associate since the Grant days. He remains Chairman of the Troyka Group.

Shobanjo was born on 24 December 1944 in Jebba, Kwara State where Joseph, his father, worked with the Nigeria Railway Corporation. He had primary education at St. Patrick’s Catholic School, Jebba, Kwara State; St. George’s Anglican School, Zaria and finally, Ijero Baptist School, Apapa Road, Ebute-Metta, Lagos. He attended Odogbolu Grammar School, Ijebu-Odogbolu, Ogun State.

He was employed by the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation, now the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria, in 1964 as a Studio Manager and left in 1971 as a producer. Shobanjo is a member of the Institute of Public Relations, London; Chartered Institute of Marketing, England and International Advertising Association. He is also a fellow and former member of the Governing Council of the Advertising Practitioners Council of Nigeria; fellow of the Commonwealth Journalists Association and a past president of the Association of Advertising Practitioners of Nigeria.


March 26, 2008 | 7:03 AM Comentarios  0 comentarios

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How We Started TheNEWS —Bayo Onanuga

Bayo Onanuga, Managing Director and Editor-in-Chief of TheNEWS, spoke to ADEMOLA ADEGBAMIGBE and ERNEST OMOARELOJIE on the history of the magazine

Q: When exactly was TheNEWS first published?
A: The first publication came out on 8 February 1993. Any other thing we did before then was just like preparing for the birth of the baby. The actual birth was 8 February 1993.

Q: What prompted the birth of the magazine?
A: It’s a story we have told and retold. When we left African Concord in April 1992, some of our colleagues (Dapo Olorunyomi, Kunle Ajibade and Seye Kehinde) joined the African Guardian. There was a problem of what the rest of us – myself and Babafemi Ojudu – would do. We were two of the founding members of TheNEWS who didn’t find where to go initially. We all thought of abandoning journalism and going into other things. In fact, we toyed with the idea of going into fish business. Ojudu actually plunged into it, but regretted doing so because it was not his calling. I still stayed a little in journalism, reporting for Gemini News, which is like a news agency based in the UK at that time.

But the money was not so good and it was not a regular job. At a stage, people started telling us that there was nothing else we could do but to stick to journalism. That prompted us to call ourselves and decide that we needed to start our own publication. We started meeting in April and by July or so of 1992, we started meeting again. And by September, we had registered a company. That same month, we actually tried to open an account. The others were just preparations–recruiting staff, getting an office, doing the preview edition, seeking the help of shareholders and calling people to join our team and the rest of them.

We found out that many Nigerians were willing to at least, put their money into what we were trying to do. Some of them heard about what we were trying to do and actually called us, saying they were ready to help. I remember Chief Femi Adekanye of the defunct Commerce Bank. That was what he said. He told us that anytime we were ready, we should just call him. People like our current Chairman, Tayo Adesanya, and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu did the same thing. I did not have any direct contact with Tinubu. It was a friend of ours who told him and he didn’t even see the feasibility report or any other thing for that matter to be convinced. He just said he would support our dream and that was it. There were a lot of people like that who shared in the passion we had about our country and were ready to assist us.

Q: How were you able to find like minds to start with? Were the founders childhood friends?
A: We all worked as colleagues in African Concord . The defining thing was that those of us who came together resigned together. I resigned first and the others just put their resignation letters in as well. It was as if their editor was being pushed out of the place, since they all took part in the story that led to his stepping aside, as Babangida said. They also felt ‘we were all part of the thing’ and resigned.

Q: Was it true that MKO Abiola asked you to apologise to Babangida?
A: It was true. I didn’t lie against him (Abiola). He called me and I went to meet him in the house and he said something which, ironically, later happened to him. He said: ‘Look, you are a young man, this country is not worth dying for.’ He was trying to persuade me, saying I should just write a letter that he would take to IBB and his security chief, Haliru Akilu, that we were recanting and apologising. Ironically, about five years after, the same man died for the same country. He never denied that he asked me to apologise to IBB. I didn’t lie against him. I just told him that I would think about it and let him know my decision.

Q: Within the period, you started thinking about setting up a magazine and when it finally took off, you must have faced a lot of challenges. What were those challenges?
A: We didn’t face any challenges. No, we didn’t. I was quite surprised by the outpouring of support by fellow Nigerians. I got a lot of letters from Nigerians from all parts of the country saying, ‘you have done us proud, your position is correct.’ And they were urging us to provide more services for our fatherland. A lot of letters like that got to me from across the country. Prominent Nigerians were asking where they could get in touch with me. They wanted to see me and some gave me a lot of gifts, unsolicited gifts, just to say that they supported what we did and what we were planning to do. In fact when you have such words of encouragement from fellow countrymen, you can only say let’s try this thing out. On our part, we knew that there were going to be problems. It’s like you stepped on the tail of a tiger and you are just able to hang on a tree. The tiger would be there waiting to pounce on you. That was what happened to us. We knew that we were going to have that problem. As we were going about talking to people to invest in the company and so on, we kept asking if the government would allow us survive. That was the recurring thought on our minds. We resolved that we would try to do our best within the limits of our laws. Just two weeks after we started, we had a problem with Justice Moshood Olugbani, who committed us to prison.

Q: Then you had a problem with IBB…
A: No. It was his government. I think we published a story on Babangida’s methods and tactics, about the way the man operated and ran the country. We were going to publish a story Help! Nigeria is Dying, but before then, he ordered that they should go and lock up the place.

Q: What were your lowest moments over the period in review?
A: My lowest moment was the time I had to run out of Lagos. I had to escape from Lagos to my home town, Ijebu Ode. It is a place I had not visited for some years. Here was I under serious threat and I felt the best place for me to hide was my town. I ran away from Lagos and I was in Ijebu Ode for more than a month.

Q: Was that under Abacha?
A: It was under Abacha. That was in 1997. That was my lowest moment. Shortly after that, I had to also run out of the country.
The other one was when I was in the US and I was getting to know what’s going on at home, only to be told then that they had shut down all our offices and about 13 to 14 people were arrested the same day and locked up. For me it was very shattering. Well, by the grace of God, we all survived it. These are the things that really made us to rethink whether we could go on or survive.

Q: Is there anything you learnt from those experiences?
A: The experiences really made one to be stronger. As a person, when many people see me they say, this man is a gentleman but they know that the spirit behind the gentleness or the gentlemanliness is a spirit of steel. I am not afraid of any human being. The only person I am afraid of is God, if you call God a person.
But the experiences have only made one stronger, to believe in what we are doing because I believe journalism must not be for journalism’s sake. It must be for making a statement. Journalists should be agents of change wherever they operate. That is the kind of journalism we are practising–to see how we can impact on our society, to see how we can goad governments to do better for the people. This is because we believe that if you don’t get it right at the centre, we are wasting our time at every other level. If Nigeria gets the right leadership at the centre, the problem in our country will be solved. But as of now, we have still not got it right. We very much believe what we are doing and that is what keeps us going.

Q: Was there a period when the company faced real financial challenges?
A: All through, financial problems are what we keep facing.

Q: Was there a time it became very critical?
A: It became very critical under Abacha, especially when we floated AM News. At that time, we stretched the company to the limits financially. We nearly went under, under that man. But of course, we got a lot of support from many Nigerians who believed in what we were doing. They may be government contractors, government businessmen or something, but they had interest in what we were doing. But because of the nature of their businesses, they could not come out in the open. But when they see journalists trying to change the society for the better, they also support. People from the Northern part of Nigeria and even some from within the Abacha government supported us! That was one of the things that made us survive. We had advertisements from even military governors who, though were serving under military high command, still gave us adverts because we are Nigerians doing what others ought to do. That was how we were able to wade through.

Q: Tempo was a major part of the struggle but you rested it at some point. What led to that action?
A: When Babangida banned TheNEWS three or four months after we started, we had no other option than to bring out this title we had registered to continue the roles of TheNEWS. But Tempo was caught in a web of political crusade because at that time, there was the issue of June 12, an election we believed was free and fair had been annulled by Babangida. We felt that justice ought to be done, not because the man was our Yoruba brother but because we felt he was a Nigerian and he had been injured. It was an injustice and we felt it must be corrected. That was why Tempo came out; not for Abiola but in order to continue the role of TheNEWS. But it was caught in that crusading spirit and for the three or four years Tempo was publishing, it continued to perform that role.
So we felt after the coming of the civilian government that Tempo had succeeded in its role because it came out to champion a cause. Even though it didn’t succeed in that cause, at least that cause led to the birth of democracy. So we felt fulfilled and felt the best thing was to allow it rest in peace, since  TheNEWS had returned, it should continue to do its job.

Q: In many instances, problems arise where partners are involved. In your case, there appears to be a strong bond. What makes your partnership strong?
A: I think the unifying force is that all of us in this company, I mean the founding members, have made sure that we have mutual respect, and then we run the company as a committee. There are a lot of things I cannot do even as the Managing Director without carrying the rest along. If they disagree, I will not do it. It’s like a socialist kind of thing and if we don’t do it that way, the partnership will collapse.
If one person is the embodiment of the company, the company will not survive. So we put up a system where if I am not here, like the situation recently for seven months, and the company did not collapse. It even waxed stronger while I was away. That shows you the kind of arrangement we have in place, where we have respect for each other.

Q: Many would say TheNEWS has come of age after 15 years. In a few years, where do you see the magazine?
A: I see us getting stronger. I see TheNEWS embracing the digital or e-publishing age which we are pursuing vigorously to make our news portal the most attractive place to visit. We are doing that and I see us diversifying because the trend we see all over the world is that the media business in its narrow sense is having a lot of problems. All over the world, the media are trying to diversify. For instance, Washington Post makes more money from its non-media business than it makes from newspaper sales. That is what we are trying to do to make sure we increase our streams of income.


March 26, 2008 | 7:03 AM Comentarios  0 comentarios

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How They Rigged Ondo Election

Here are details of how the Independent National Electoral Commission rigged the 2007 governorship election in Ondo State

By Francis Ottah Agbo/Akure

In Ondo State, disclosures before the Election Petitions Tribunal have been quite stunning. As testified by Adrian Forty, a British handwriting and finger print expert who Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, the Labour Party governorship candidate for the state in the 2007 general elections commissioned to analyse the ballot papers used for the exercise, certain irregularities in the voting materials used for the governorship election suggested massive fraud. The Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, declared Dr. Olusegun Agagu of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, winner of the election. Mimiko is challenging the result before the tribunal.

According to Forty’s forensic findings, INEC registered minors, inanimate objects, foreigners and prominent Nigerians who were not resident in Ondo State as registered voters. But these voters were certified by INEC to have voted for Agagu.

In Ayetoro registration area in Akure North, for example, the following Nigerians who are neither resident nor indigenes of the sunshine state were registered. They are: Vice President Goodluck Jonathan (Bayelsa State), Senator Ahmadu Ali (Kogi), Governor Peter Obi (Anambra), Senator Musiliu Obanikoro (Lagos), General Oladipo Diya (Ogun), Professor Charles Soludo (Anambra), Chief Justice of the Federation, Justice Idris Kutigi; Oceanic Bank Managing Director, Mrs. Cecilia Ibru (Delta) and former Minister of Health, Prof. Eyitayo Lambo (Kogi). Others are former presidential candidate, Mrs. Sarah Jubril (Kwara), Fuji star, Wasiu Ayinde (Ogun); The Nation columnist, Professor Segun Gbadegesin; chairman of The Nation editorial board, Sam Omatseye (Delta); INEC chairman, Maurice Iwu (Imo); Professor Niyi Osundare; Oba Otudeko, chairman, Honeywell Group and Governor Raji Fashola of Lagos State.

According to the ballot papers admitted by the Ondo State Election Petitions Tribunal, Fashola voted for the PDP candidate in Town Hall 1 and II polling unit in Akure North Local Government Council. Iwu, Otudeko, Osundare, Diya, Jonathan, Ali, Obi, Obanikoro, Gbadegesin and Omatseye were certified by INEC to have voted in this polling unit for Agagu, while Kutigi, Lambo, Ibru, Soludo, Jubril and Ayinde voted for PDP in Motor Park III Ajegunle polling unit.

But the names that held the breath of many analysts are two black American former world heavyweight champions - Mohammed Ali and Mike Tyson. They allegedly voted for Agagu. While Ali, who was registered in Ayetoro, voted at the Town Hall I and II polling unit, Tyson voted in Motor Park III Ajegunle. The most bizarre of them all was the name of late Apostle Ayo Babalola who voted in Apoi Ward in Ondo LGA. Babalola, by INEC records, voted for the ruling party. In Okitipupa Local Government Area, where Agagu hails from, children below the age of 12 years voted, as against provision of the Electoral Act which allows only adults from 18 years to be registered. INEC ballot papers deposited at the tribunal, sitting in Akure, showed that such children registered in Ilutitun I registration area and voted for the PDP.

Yinka Adeyosoye, an Akure-based legal practitioner, said by virtue of the provision of the Electoral Act, minors are neither supposed to be registered nor allowed to vote. “It is established in our relevant laws that minors are not supposed to vote or be voted for. But in INEC’s desperation to rig elections for favoured candidates, it registered minors to pave way for multiple voting,” Adeyosoye rued.

Forty, while submitting his reports before the tribunal, agreed with Adeyosoye. He disclosed that 84,814 ballot papers out of 183,219 papers examined were multiple votes. He told the tribunal that 37,053 papers were poorly scanned while 61,352 papers had no impressions, which made it difficult to ascertain whether there were multiple votes. “The magnitude of the evidence gathered, in my opinion, conclusively proves that operation of systematic multiple voting had been conducted on a large scale across those parts and areas of Ondo State that I have examined,” the Briton declared.

Surprisingly, Agagu’s lawyer, Lateef Fagbemi, a senior advocate, did not cross-examine Forty. Fagbemi simply said the report was “deemed as read”.

Analysts had expected Fagbemi to subject the fingerprint expert to rigorous cross-examination the way INEC and PDP counsel did at the Ekiti tribunal. The thinking is that such a drill would have triggered a Freudian slip from Forty that could work in favour of PDP.

It is on the strength of these irregularities, according to Pastor Ranti Akerele, publicity secretary of LP, that the party is asking the tribunal to annul Agagu’s election and declare Mimiko as the duly elected governor of Ondo State. Led to the witness box by his lead counsel, Chief Wole Olanipekun, Mimiko asked the Justice Garba Nabaruma-led five-man tribunal to declare him the winner because, to him, he scored 84,635 valid votes in excess of Agagu’s.

“Agagu was illegally declared winner and unduly returned by the state Resident Electoral Commissioner despite the fact that the total number of votes lawfully scored by him (Agagu) was only 108,999 of the 368,532 lawfully cast votes at the election. I scored 193,634 lawful votes, meaning that I had 84,635 votes more than Agagu,” Mimiko declared.

The petitioner told the tribunal that the PDP connived with INEC to manipulate the election in 69 of the 203 wards in the 18 Local Government Councils that make up Ondo State. Out of the 18 councils, the LP asked the tribunal to cancel the election in four councils - Okitipupa, Irele, Ese-Odo and Ilaje local governments. The LP is challenging the election results of some wards in six councils. The wards include five in Odigbo, four in Ile-Oluji/Oke-Igbo, five in Akure North, eight in Akoko North-East, one in Akoko North-West and one in Ose local governments.

Mr. Ogundeji Iroju, certified accountant and figure expert on election matters who was permitted by the tribunal to inspect materials used for the election, submitted that government officials signed form EC8B as polling agents of the PDP. Form EC8B is a summary of INEC election results at ward level. Iroju disclosed that Prince Oluwole Oguntade Toyin, Agagu’s Special Assistant, served as agent in Akure North Local Council and signed the results of four wards. Chief R.A. Akinfemi, Supervisory Councillor in Odigbo Council, also allegedly signed form EC8B for three wards simultaneously.

The implication of this, Iroju contended, was that Akintemi was agent for the three wards in an election that held the same day. Mr. Ola Oguntimehin, Special Adviser to the governor on Legislative Matters, allegedly signed as party agent in Okitipupa LGA; Yemi Alao, Commissioner for Justice and Attorney General of the State, in Akoko Northwest and Mr. Ifayo Funmi Ayo, Commissioner for Land in Irele LGA, among others.

Quoting copiously from section 46 subsection 2 of the Electoral Act 2006, Iroju said it was illegal for government officials to be party agents. The section, he averred, prohibits government officials who have not resigned to be agents. “I also discovered that 85 per cent of 1,072 polling units in dispute have names of eminent personalities who do not live in Ondo State. Foreigners and inanimate objects such as window blinds and trees were also registered as voters in Ayetoro ward in Akure North and Agagu’s ward, Iju-Odo. What really shocked me was that the late Apostle Ayo Babalola, founder of Christ Apostolic Church, CAC, who died in 1959 voted for PDP in Apoi ward,” Iroju told the tribunal.

Used thumb-printed ballot papers in Okitipupa, Ilaje, Ese-Odo, and Irele local government councils, Iroju continued, were stamped with the stamps of the defunct National Electoral Commission (NEC) and the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON), an act he said contravenes the Electoral Act.

In Ilaje LGA, for example, Iroju found out that 114,500 ballot papers were issued but only 57,300 papers were returned as votes cast, while 16,454 were returned as unused. The implication of this was that INEC could not account for the remaining 40,813 ballot papers. Similarly 2,769 ballot papers, TheNEWS learnt, were unaccounted for in Irele LGA, while 6,893 ballot papers were unaccounted for in Ese-Odo LGA. In Okitipupa, 6,002 papers developed wings, fuelling speculation that they might have been taken to unofficial places for thumb-printing.

In a letter admitted by the tribunal as affidavit, an INEC Returning Officer for Okitipupa, Tope Aina, complained of how ballot boxes were snatched during the election. Mr. R. Oladoyin, INEC Returning Officer for Ilaje, also wrote to the Ondo State Resident Electoral Commissioner, REC, on the hijack of electoral materials on 14 April. He wrote: “Sequel to the series of hijacking and damage of ballot boxes cum attack on electoral personnel during the gubernatorial election of 14th April 2006, a total of 60 ballot boxes are found missing. Some of these boxes and registers were either burnt or thrown into the river.”

In the same vein, Mr. O. H. Achgun, the Returning Officer for Akure North, complained that 25 units of ballot boxes were either destroyed or hijacked by politicians. In his letter addressed to the Ondo State REC, Achgun said the burnt boxes were in police custody in Ogbese Police Station in Akure North. Aside this, Mr. A. A. Aderibigbe of Ese-Odo LGA and his Akoko North East LGA counterpart, Alhaji W. O. Ganiyu, also lodged similar complaints. Yet the Returning Officers collated results for the affected wards. In fact, many copies of the form EC8A had entries of votes returned in which the PDP led with wide margins. EC8A form is a summary of election results from polling units.

TheNEWS also gathered from the form EC8A deposited at the tribunal that results from Okitipupa, Irele, Ese-Odo, Ilaje and some polling units in Akure, Odigbo and Akoko LGA bear the same serial numbers. In Okitipupa, Irele, Ese-Odo and Ilaje LGA, the form EC8A has entries of votes returned in 100 per cent for PDP.

The implication of the entries, analysts argued, meant that all the voters voted and no invalid vote was recorded. It also meant that no voter died and nobody voted for another party.

This magazine’s investigation showed that there was over-voting in 300 polling units out of the 1072 units being disputed by the Labour Party. The bulk of the polling units were in Okitipupa, Irele, Ese-Odo, and Ilaje LGA.

Igbekele Daodu, a medical practitioner who was commissioned by Mimiko to inspect INEC materials used during the election, told the tribunal that in some cases, votes cast in some wards were more than the registered voters. He also said total votes cast were in some cases either more than what were recorded, or less.

In Ode Erinje ward, in Okitipupa LGA, for example, it was discovered that 3,898 votes were counted but 3,675 were recorded for PDP. The reason for this was not clear to Daodu, but there are indications that the results may have been hurriedly collated to beat the deadline of announcement of results. He also accused INEC of signing the result a day after election. He gave example of Mahin ward II in Ese-Odo LGA as a ward whose result was signed on 15 April 2007, a day after the governorship election.

The question on the lips of election tribunal analysts is: is the welter of evidence of rigging before the Akure tribunal substantial enough to warrant the sack of Governor Agagu? Pastor Akerele believes so. “If the invalid votes are sorted out from the 69 wards whose results we are contesting, we shall have over 25 per cent of the lawful votes cast in 13 Local Government Councils and this automatically satisfies the constitutional requirement of declaring Mimiko winner. The evidence is so substantial that no tribunal will ignore Mimiko’s pleadings,” the LP spokesman said.

When TheNEWS contacted the Ondo State Commissioner for Information, Mr. Eddy Olafeso, he declined to comment on the tribunal. He, however, beat his chest that his boss, Agagu, would triumph at the tribunal. There are indications that Agagu has commissioned a team of experts to puncture Forty’s report this week when the governor is expected to open his defence at the tribunal.


March 26, 2008 | 7:03 AM Comentarios  0 comentarios

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The Monarch As A Radical

By Bamidele Johnson

In a country where it is fashionable for traditional rulers to cosy up to the government of the day in exchange for economic patronage, Oba Sikiru Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebuland, is  an aberration–a pleasant one, that is.

Over the years,

• Oba Sikiru Adetona
the paramount ruler of Ijebuland has built a reputation for voicing his convictions, even when such nettles the government of the day.  Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s use of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, to hound Chief Mike Adenuga in 2006 drew vitriol from the Awujale. Adenuga, an Ijebuman, became a quarry for the anti-corruption agency, which was desperate to link him to some financial misdemeanours allegedly perpertrated by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

Obasanjo was determined to shred Atiku’s reputation, in a bid to keep him out of the 2007 presidential race.

Other royal fathers, for various reasons, kept quiet. But with his reputation for straight talk, the Awujale could not. He described Adenuga’s ordeal as a witch-hunt and slated the Federal Government for giving blanket support to the commission’s activities. He explained that the unrestrained powers of the EFCC was inimical to the nation’s drive for investments “That (Adenuga’s ordeal ) is very unfortunate. But all I can assure you is that Mike Adenuga is a serious businessman. He does his business in a way that is not criminal, such that contributes to the socio-economic development and progress of this country. What is happening to Adenuga is a passing phase. We leave everything to God. The only regret is the way EFCC is conducting itself and carrying out its operations by harassing people and the Federal Government is watching. This is very unfortunate,” he said.

It was a bold attack on budding tyranny by a democratically elected leader, who had forced many prominent figures, including traditional rulers, into acquiescence or muted discontent.

At about the same time, he expressed his dissatisfaction with Obasanjo’s scheme to get the constitution amended, with a view to elongating his term in office. Awujale’s position was in tune with that of the generality of Nigerians, who considered the tenure elongation plot immoral. It made him popular with the people, but unpopular with the former president.

It was a situation he was familiar with, having spoken against the cruel annulment of the 1993 presidential election won by the late Chief MKO Abiola.  Oba Adetona’s opposition to the annulment as well as his support for the process set up to seek de-annulment was remarkable in the face of the connivance of many prominent traditional rulers with the military establishment of that era. It was a dangerous path to tread, given the feral nature of Nigeria’s military rulers, especially the late General Sani Abacha. Indeed, when the Abacha regime tried to use traditional rulers from the south west to affirm the role Gen. Diya and others played in the 1997 coup, Oba Adetona refused to be used, whereas a fellow Oba after watching the video of the alleged coup shot by Abacha’s agents declared that Abacha was ‘‘talking sense.’’

Born in 1934, Oba Adetona ascended the throne of his ancestors on 2 April 1960. He variously attended Baptist School, Ereko, Ijebu Ode; Ogbere United Primary School, Oke Agbo, Ijebu Igbo; and Ansar-Ud-Deen School, Ijebu Ode. For his secondary education, he attended Olu-Iwa – now Adeola Odutola – College, Ijebu Ode from 1951 to 1956.

Between 1957 and 1958, he worked with the then Audit Department of the Western Region, Ibadan. He later resigned his appointment to study Accountancy in the United Kingdom.


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~Mary*Anne~
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